Campaign Finance Reform: A Call for Clean Elections 

The Rev. Daniel B. Hahn
Public Policy Consultant
New York State Council of Churches

September, 1999

The Challenge

            Why should we care how government is run, or who runs it, as long as it functions at an acceptable level of efficiency and justice? When St. Paul wrote, as we read in Romans 13:1, “let every person be subject to the governing authorities,” he had in mind the brutal and oppressive Roman Empire. As Paul well knew, this same Empire had cruelly crucified Jesus, his Lord and ours. Yet Paul continues, in the same verse,  “those authorities that exist have been instituted by God.” These same authorities would later execute Paul, and continue, for nearly three hundred years, to eradicate Christianity as brutally as it could.

            Christianity eventually became the official religion of the Empire, after the Emperor Constantine converted in the Fourth Century. Christianity necessarily converted from a religion persecuted by governing authorities to a religion of the governing authorities. As the Roman Empire crumbled, feudalism rose, which cemented social stratification. Christianity used Romans 13 to buttress the governance by and for the privileged, and cooperated in the enforcement of the status quo. Royalty believed they governed by Divine sanction, and the Church reinforced this view. Reality was believed to be organized in a hierarchical “great chain of being,” in which royalty ruled over peasantry just as the latter ruled over animals.

            The weight of the great chain began to break itself apart under the Renaissance and Reformation. The dawn of the Modern Era, some 350 years ago, finally buried the chain. Today, what most of us take for granted as fundamental to just society would have been unthinkable in the middle ages. We take for granted that government is legitimized by the consent of the governed, and that individuals have basic human rights. Equality is a norm endorsed, in one form or another, by nearly every major political persuasion in America. Yet these ideals grow from the historically recent past. They grow from a reaction against the dominance of the Church. They are the result of the successful effort to replace the authority of religion with the authority of reason. Thus was the modern era born.

            Although mainline Christianity has long since accommodated itself to the modern era, it has not expressed concern about the fact that the governing authorities have largely concerned themselves with the maintenance of privilege. Voices which highlight the structural injustice of this, notably the liberation theologians, generally speak at the margins of the Church.

            The historical indifference of the Church toward who runs government challenges us as we observe the political landscape of today. We live in a democracy, but it is a controlled democracy, dominated by the financially privileged.

            As Walter Wink has pointed out, “Never has so much money been funneled to so many candidates for office by so many special interests.  And while it is probably true that many a legislator would have voted no differently had he or she not received a gargantuan heap of money from a private donor or a PAC (Political Action Committee), the fact is that the whole process becomes tainted when contributions and voting records correlate to such an astounding degree.”

            Democracy requires meaningful access to power for whomever wishes to be heard. To be sure,  legislators listen to their constituents. Letters from the District are read and oftentimes heeded.  However, the influence of money distorts the foundational process.

            Perhaps the most famous example of such distortion was the Clinton Administration’s health care debacle of 1994. Poll after poll, and focus group after focus group, had demonstrated that, once options were explained to them,  60% of Americans favored a Canadian style health coverage model. This percentage held regardless of demographics or party affiliation. Meanwhile, the health insurance industry, which would have been decimated under a Canadian style system, contributed heavily to the Presidential and Congressional campaigns of 1992.

            The eventual Clinton plan heavily favored the largest insurance companies at the expense of the smaller companies, who responded with their infamous “Harry and Louise” commercials. I attended a White House religious leader’s briefing in April of 1994, led by Hillary Rodham Clinton and Presidential Advisor Harold Ices. We were being encouraged to help the White House “sell” the Clinton Plan, which by then was in deep trouble. Several leaders stated their preference for the general Canadian style approach, and asked why the White House did not consider that instead. Mr. Ickes responded that “although the Canadian approach has great merit, it is politically undoable at this time.” (Not surprisingly, the religious leaders did not go on to try to “sell” the Clinton plan).

            Why, indeed, would a program supported by 60% of the American people be “politically undoable,” unless the power of special interests distorted the political landscape?

            Citizen Action of New York spells out what the distortion implies for the electoral process:

--large contributions hinder equal and meaningful participation in the democratic process;
 --the free-speech rights of non-wealthy voters and candidates are drowned out by those who can afford to monopolize paid political ads;
--the First Amendment rights of voters to be heard in the political process, question candidates, and engage in debate is denied to the vast majority of citizens;
--big money fuels the public perception that government and  its leaders are corrupt, an impression that is sometimes correct;
--elected officials are required to spend a disproportionate  amount of time raising money, which diminishes their presence and accountability to their constituency;
--qualified candidates without personal fortunes or access  to large contributors have scant chance to mount competitive campaigns;
--challengers are disadvantaged, because large campaign  contributors tend to give their money to incumbents;
--there are too many loopholes in existing law that big  money can slip through;
--the rich have greater representation than the rest of us because political power is allocated according to economic status.

             As Wink further observes, “in the 1995-96 election, business interests outspent labor by 12-1.  Individuals and PACs representing the natural resource industries (such as gas and oil companies) outspent environmental interests by an estimated 27-1.  In the elections from 1988-92, the oil and gas industry alone gave a total of $17.2 million to congressional campaigns.  Is anyone surprised that industrial pollution is growing worse instead of better?  As Amitai Etzioni commented, ‘If the founding fathers had wanted American democracy to use dollar bills as ballots, they would have placed cash registers where ballot boxes now stand.’ ”

            The situation effectively disenfranchises people of color. In its recent study,  “The Color of Money,” Public Campaign concluded that “people of color are largely absent from what has become one of the most crucial elements of the election process, namely, campaign financing. . . There are some 2,500 zip codes with more than 50 percent people of color and a total population of 41 million. In those areas, we determined that only 8 out of every 10,000 people are political players, i.e., gives a contribution of $200 or more. Compare that to the 26 top-giving zips, where more than 4 in 100 give a contribution.”

            Public Campaign points out that the results of non-contribution result in incumbent lawmakers ignoring non-contributors because they are unlikely to be sources of financial support for the next election.

            The Rev. Richard Gilbert, Pastor of First Unitarian Church in Rochester and Board Chair of Interfaith IMPACT of New York State, observes, “conservative thinkers understand economic and political freedom as inextricably interwoven.  Economist Milton Friedman sees the capitalist economy as a voting booth -- each person voting with his/her dollars for the goods and services (including government presumably) that he/she wishes.  But increasing concentration of economic power as the rich get richer and the poor get poorer and large corporations control decision-making threatens this philosophy of human freedom.  In political democracy it is one person, one vote.  In political economy we are in danger of seeing one dollar, one vote, since those with dollars exert a disproportionate influence on public policy.  To a disturbing degree power grows out of the end, not of a gun barrel, but a dollar bill.  Since members of the House and Senate need to raise thousands of dollars a day to conduct a campaign for election or re-election, we have a new Golden Rule of Politics:  those with the gold make the rules -- or at least control those who do. “

            Why should we, the Church who has grown under all but the most repressive regimes, even care?

Bases for Response

            The most cursory examination of Scripture demonstrates that Truth, as revelation, deepens through time and experience. Norms are revised within the history of the Bible itself. The God pictured as jealous in Exodus, opposed to all other gods, is revealed as the One God of universal scope by Second Isaiah.

            As faith encounters life among people, what we affirm deepens, evolves. We see Scripture anew.  The re-discovery of equality and individuality as core human ideals three to four hundred years ago created such an encounter.  Thus we had the opportunity to reaffirm that the God manifested in the person of Jesus of Nazareth is the God of the outcasts, the one who has come for the “lost sheep of Israel,” the one who identifies with “the least of these.”

            So we savor Scripture anew.

            We see the Old Testament warning about such concentration of money and power. Society organized itself around the "Year of the Jubilee," (Leviticus 25), in which land was redistributed to its original owners as a means of equalizing land ownership. Thus was the primary source of wealth in agrarian society spread out in the days of the Judges.  As monarchy rose and wealth stratified, the prophets identified the stratification of wealth as a primary source of God’s judgment against Israel, and later, Judah. Isaiah warned, "Woe to those who joined house to house, who add field to field, until there is no more room, and you are made to dwell alone in the midst of the land.  The Lord of hosts has sworn in my hearing: 'Surely many houses shall be desolate, large and beautiful houses, without inhabitant." (5:8_9)   Amos was powerful in his denunciation of those "who trample upon the needy" and "buy the poor for silver and the needy for a pair of sandals." (8:4_6).

            In New Testament we find a very strong bias toward the poor and powerless.  Luke (chapter 4) portrays Jesus’ inaugural sermon evoking the Jubilee “The Lord has anointed me to bring good news to the poor . . . today this Scripture is fulfilled in your hearing.” Matthew (chapter 25) has Jesus identify with the oppressed “As you have done to the least of these . . . so you have done to me.”

            Clearly the concentration of power and wealth was not tolerable for the early Christians. Acts reports Christians sharing their wealth in common, and Paul criticizes the Corinthians (I Corinthians 11) for allowing members of the congregation to go hungry during their Eucharistic meals.

            As we re-appropriate the clear Scriptural witness against the stratification of wealth, we speak out against its consequences in our society. The loss of meaningful access to public policy processes is a basic and disastrous consequence.

            And we are losing our power to participate meaningfully in democratic government.  The money-driven political process is moving us toward democracy in form but oligarchy in fact. This trend has corrupted public policy and widened the already gaping disparities between rich and poor, a gap in which New York leads the nation.

            Our calling is to work to create justice. Justice demands equity among all sectors. Justice demands an end to poverty, universal access to basic needs and services, a sustainable and livable planet, and equality under the law. We are a long way from any of these, and the corrupted political process keeps them, rather than priorities, disrespected as “tired old ideas from the past.” Yet justice is not trendy. It is witness to the timeless God who interacts in time. As we work for justice, we proclaim that our God indeed interacts in time still.

Current Legislation

            A “Clean Money, Clean Elections” bill is regularly introduced in the New York State Legislature but to date none have gone anywhere. Nevertheless, this approach, patterned after successful reform legislation in Maine, Massachusetts, Vermont, and Arizona, addresses the problem more comprehensively, yet more elegantly,  than any other approach. The bill has several major goals:

      ·        reducing and limiting campaign spending
·        limiting the flow of special interest money
·        providing a fixed, equal amount of public finding to qualified candidates
·       banning “soft money”
·       encouraging debates
·       improving disclosure
·      strengthening enforcement

Spending and Contributions

            Although the Supreme Court of the United States has ruled that campaign spending limits cannot be imposed on all candidates (Buckley v. Veleo), candidates may certainly volunteer to do so. Model clean elections legislation gives public funds to candidates who agree to limit their spending and contributions, and who collect a set amount of small contributions from voters (such seed contributions serve to establish the viability of the candidate).

            Candidates who want to receive funding qualify by collecting a set number of $5.00 contributions from voters. They also may collect some seed money contributions of up to $100.00. Clean Money, Clean Elections candidates agree not to accept any other private contributions. There also will be a new limit of $1,000.00 on campaign contributions to candidates, parties, and committees, with an aggregate limit of $25,000.00 for contributions by any one individual or entity, thus ending the powerful pools of “soft money” that has corrupted campaigns over the past twenty years.

            Qualified candidates receive public finds equal to the spending limit for that election. The total amount of public finding is limited to 1/10 of 1% of the state budget in a four-year election cycle. Qualified candidates can also receive additional funds, up to three times the spending limit, if opposed by well-financed independent candidates or issue groups.  Money for clean elections will come from an income tax check-off, increased lobby registration fees, fines for election law violations, and if necessary, general funds.

Other innovations

            Clean money, clean election candidates agree to participate in at least two primary debates and three general election debates. The bill requires disclosure of the occupation and employer of contributors to candidates in state elections. The Board of Elections would also be restructured with enforcement powers.

Call to Action

            Clean Elections has so far become law in states where voters have the opportunity to vote the policy into law directly. In New York, we do not have that opportunity. We must rely on the Legislature and Governor to pass a clean elections bill and sign it into law. If advocacy were to continue as usual, the prospects of change are slim.

            Proponents of clean elections, including The New York State Council of Churches, the League of Women Voters, Citizen Action, and Common Cause, to name a few, are no match for the money and influence of opponents. The influence of current opponents to clean elections legislation is proportional to their ability to contribute to election campaigns. Clean elections would lessen their influence.

            Legislators will listen to less influential groups when a critical mass of opposition to the status quo rises and  maintains unyielding pressure for change. The women’s suffrage and civil rights movements are notable examples of politically “impossible” dreams becoming reality.

            The Church can serve as a community-based catalyst for developing and maintaining the critical mass. We are credible voices of ethics and morality within our communities. We bring together people of all political, socioeconomic, and ethnic backgrounds around a common identity. We open our doors to the community.

            Here might be our “marching orders.” Let us be facilitating awareness at the local level. Let us be recruiting pastors and lay leaders, developing and providing action packets, planning and/or host statewide and regional consciousness raising events, followed by action. In short, Let us be empowering ourselves with the renewed conviction that we can take responsibility for the well being of our society through truly representative elections.